Russia/Karachaevo-Cherkesia

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Subject: Russia/Karachaevo-Cherkesia

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Russia/Karachaevo-Cherkesia


Russia/Karachaevo-Cherkesia:
KREMLIN TO KEEP COUNTRY IN TACT
By Valekh Rzayev
 
The appearance of disturbances in the Karachaevo-Cherkesia region,
which is considered the most stable in the Caucasus, has placed the
republic's leadership in an uncomfortable situation. Appointed by a
special decree of President Boris Yeltsin and answerable to no
electorate, the present head of the republic, Vladimir Khubiev, is one
of the most obedient regional leaders in the North Caucasus and
clearly fears a violent change in power. After several long and
sometimes convoluted turns, elections have been set for April 1999.

Karachaevans, who speak a Turkic language, and Cherkessians suffered
terribly during the Russian wars in the Caucasus during the 19th
Century. Suffice to say, more Cherkessians live in Turkey and in
Arabic countries than on their native soil. More than half of the
Cherkessian population was shot, and the remainder fled to Turkey and
Jordan.

Stalin had the Karachaevans, who were strong opponents of Communism,
deported to Siberia, where only a remnant survived. Only a powerful
policy of russification allowed them to retain an iron grip on the
region, called "the Caucasian Alps."

However, possibility of unrest spreading to the region from
neighboring Dagestan, Chechnya, Ossetia and Ingushetia is troubling to
the Kremlin. Moscow has placed its last bets on supporting the Russian
population here, and it appears that it is the only chance to avoid
losing control over all the Caucasus region.

Russians comprise 40% of the Karachaevo-Cherkessian Republic. Second
most populous are the Karachaevans, comprising 39%. And therefore the
selection of a new leader in the North Caucasus republic depends on
how the Russians and Karachaevans vote, and whether they will be able
to forward a common candidate. The leaders of the Karachaevan
political movement "Alai" and representatives of the Russian-language
movement "Rus'" are conducting talks on the possibility of nominating
57-year-old General Vladimir Semenov, the former commander of land
forces, as their single candidate. His ethnic background is worth
note:  his mother is Russian, and his father Karachaevan.

However, Semenov has yet to officially declare his intention to run
for the head of the republic. So far, only two have declared their
candidacy: the present head of the republic Vladimir Khubiev and the
51-year-old mayor of the republic's capital, Stanislav Dorov, an
ethnic Cherkessian who is supported by a few Karachaevans as well as
some Russians.

Incidentally, Vladimir Khubiev is a Karachaevan. But many of his
critics prophesy that he will go the way of Helmut Kohl. Many are
tired of his presence in regional politics. He first tasted power when
he was 19, under Brezhnev. The republic has considerable reserves of
gold, platinum and uranium, plentiful mineral water and ample
facilities for downhill skiing and winter recreation, however, and is
doted on by the federal budget.

All the same, Khubiev has his supporters among Russians, Karachaevans
and Cherkessians. The principal fear of many is change.

The name of another possible candidate is being circulated, that of
Boris Ebzeev, a Karachaevan, a member of the Constitutional Court of
Russia. His decision to participate in the election race, however,
would automatically deprive him of his seat in the court. Therefore,
Ebzeev has as yet not stepped out of the shadows, and is considering
his chances. In the republic, he can so far only count on the support
of the youth organization of Karachaevans.

Despite the violent upheavals in Chechnya and Dagestan, where
representatives of the government are killed on a daily basis, militia
posts are being blown up and attacks carried out against Russian army
posts, the elections in Karachaevo-Cherkessia have attracted the
attention of many political observers who are concerned about the fate
of the Caucasus.

Although Karachaevo-Cherkessia is not a conflict zone like so many of
its neighbors, many of its citizens fought on the side of Chechnya
against Moscow's forces in the recent past. They are considered a
threat by those politicians who see the Caucasus as divided between
radical and peaceful Muslims. As such, the principle of divide and
rule regulates the conflict. It is no secret that there have been
calls recently for a Confederation of Caucasus peoples without the
participation of Moscow, which has been accused of prompting the
bloody events both of the past and the present. By all indications,
the closer we approach the new millenium, the louder the discussions
over uniting Caucasus peoples under one political unit. This frightens
the Kremlin, which is in a double-sided situation. On the one hand,
the Caucasus is "foreign place." On the other, cutting off the
Caucasus could prompt the exit of other Muslim republics from the
Federation. If the Kremlin succeeds in finding an objective approach
to the problem, then it is possible that it will be possible to
prevent the breakdown of the entire country.
 
STINA news agency
Issue No. 106 - December 28 , 1998.

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